Scottish Lib Dems Member Forum

On the 19th June the Scottish Lib Dems has arranged a Members’ Forum in Edinburgh where the principle topic will be a review of the 2011 Scottish Parliament Election. The booking form contains a section that seeks members views on the issues of “The Manifesto & Policies”, “Campaign Literature” and “Media Performance & Coverage”. Below is my response (bear in mind it is a small response as space on the form was limited):

The Manifesto & Policies

I was really enthused by the manifesto. The idea behind the changes to Scottish Water the ambitions to use that money for improvements across many areas in Scotland were new, ambitious and encouraging. The focus on jobs and economic growth was good as was the idea behind the Science Nation Fund. The ambitions for the renewables sector were realistic and focussed (although I was unclear as to why Aberdeen would be the global energy hub). In places we descended into jargon (like not explaining what a HEAT target was). Clearly not everyone reads the manifestos in detail but if jargon is allowed there, where else does it creep in? One of the key policies that was put forward was the effort to ‘save local policing’. Personally I am ambivalent on the issue but can see need for good local policing and have yet to see how that can really continue under the single police force idea. However, I am stunned at how big a centre piece that policy was when it came to pushing our policies. As was asked a number of times on Twitter and in blogs, did we have a number of focus groups where the only participants were police officers? Yes, the people of Scotland want more police on the street but we totally failed to show why a centralised police force would mean fewer police on the streets.

The Scottish Water change & benefits associated from that should have played a much greater role in any policy push. The Centre for Public Policy for Regions showed that the idea was sound and that should have been used more. I was disappointed that there was not an awful lot of thought in the manifesto about the fact that Scotland has an ageing population. Yes the Council Tax reduction is welcome but there was a lot of content for younger people but not a lot for older people, who tend to vote in greater numbers.

Since the Coalition was formed it was clear that this would be a hard campaign in Scotland. Even before the complete and utter failure of the Westminster party to deal with the tuition fees policy problem, the fact that we were in partnership with the Tories was an issue in Tory hating Scotland. In the middle of last year I was asking for a more clear definition of what it meant to be a Scottish Liberal Democrat where we agreed with some of the Coalition policies (income tax allowance) and disagreed with some of the others (tuition fees). I am a proponent of the coalition but we had to make ourselves more Scottish but nothing was done until we were well into the 2011 election campaign. The line of pro-Coalition, anti-Tory would have been good if used for the entirety of the last Parliamentary year rather than the two weeks prior to the election.

Furthermore, could we have not been more ambitious for the powers that Scotland has? I understand our support for the Calman proposals but a manifesto setting something more akin to the Steel Commission would have made us more distinctive from Westminster. I believe that it is party policy to support a Land Value Tax to replace business rates and this could have been a popular policy in a number of different ways economically, environmentally and socially. Why was this policy not included in the manifesto.

Finally, the position on not supporting a referendum was a shocking one. It was, and is, illiberal. Saying one is needed very soon due to the economic effects of uncertainty is fine. Saying we should not even ask the people of Scotland what there opinion is for a period of 9 years (2007 – 2016) flies in the face of the preamble to constitution of the Liberal Democrats.

Campaign Literature

We have to move on in many respects. The bar chart and “only the Lib Dems can win” line cant really be used again. Not only is it a source of mockery but after these results we are third and fourth in a number of seats. We cant use dodgy comparisons from one election to the next (like comparing Euro elections to council elections). The electorate have shown that they can vote differently depending on the election so we need to respect that. Many of the bar charts don’t. I am not a design expert but I think that there needs to be some overarching theme to all our literature which was lacking as well as some key important national issues included in each leaflet.

I think that the online & social media presence of the Scottish Lib Dems was a bit lacking. Our website is a bit dated and the facebook/twitter interaction was not as slick as it could have been. To be fair this is the first election where all of this did matter for many voters but that does include a whole cohort of 1st time voters. We need to have something better established and in place by the 2012 council elections which can then be built upon in the 2015 Westminster election.

Media Performance & Coverage

Due to the fact that we had not created a “different from Westminster” narrative prior to the election that was always going to be a focus of the media. Why should we be trusted? Nothing was made of the 1999-2007 period when we were in government in Scotland, where we did deliver Lib Dem manifesto commitments and didn’t breach any trust. And where we did reference the past it was a bit dishonest. Yes, we got rid of tuition fees but we brought in the student endowment. We were still looking for a graduate contribution and the SNP did easily attack that, again making us look a bit silly. The party needed to sign the NUS Scotland no fees pledge but in doing so it looked desperate. Being honest, two Newsnight Scotland interviews did a lot of damage. The first, Jeremy Purvis on the day of the manifesto launch, got bogged down on two areas where we should already have had different answers. The issue about the referendum being a coalition deal breaker and the lack of communication with Westminster colleagues regarding the changes to Scottish Water. As I have said, the referendum position was illiberal and the lack of a clear answer regarding any conversations with the Chief Secretary resulted in a poor performance. As a result our manifesto was not really covered.

Unfortunately this continued with a Tavish Scott interview where, for whatever reason, Tavish did really badly in the face of harsh and occasionally bizarre questioning. On occasion media coverage was lacking and unfairly brief. This was exemplified during the BBC Leader Debate in Perth where Tavish was spoken over and ignored by the moderator and the other party leaders. It is hard to deal with this and difficult interviews sometimes but we do need to improve in many respects.

The Members Forum will be one of the first of many steps back to a larger number of Scot Lib Dem MSPs in the Scottish Parliament. I hope my small contribution will help.

From the Times: Revolt grows over Labour’s inquiry into Holyrood rout

Ed Miliband is facing growing criticism from party members in Scotland over the type of inquiry he has ordered into the reasons for last week’s disastrous Holyrood election defeat.

The Labour leader is being accused by senior figures in the Scottish party of setting up a top-down, Westminster-led inquiry which, they say, effectively sidelines both Labour’s ruling Scottish executive and the party membership north of the Border.

The deep unhappiness in the Scottish party about the way that the inquiry was set up and is being conducted is certain to surface at a meeting of the Scottish executive today at which the party’s crushing election defeat is said to be on the agenda.

There were indications last night that some members of the executive may even attempt to expand the inquiry’s terms of reference to include the Scottish party’s wider membership.

The row began when it was reported that three Scottish MPs at Westminster — Jim Murphy, the former Scottish Secretary, Ann McKechin, the Shadow Scottish Secretary and Anne McGuire, Mr Miliband’s parliamentary aide — would take the leading roles in the inquiry into what went wrong.

However, it later emerged that while Mr Murphy would indeed co-chair the inquiry, he would be joined as co-chair by Sarah Boyack, elected last week as a Lothian regional list MSP.

Allies of Mr Miliband claim that it was never the intention to have three MPs heading the inquiry and that there had not been any change of heart. But senior figures in the party in Scotland say privately that they do not wholly accept this explanation.

One source said: “The whole thing was a cack-handed attempt to take the inquiry away from the party in Scotland and, although Sarah has now been appointed, people are absolutely furious about the way this has been handled by the leadership in London.”

Another said: “The absolute priority for the Scottish executive today is to ensure that any review that takes place genuinely involves all party members in Scotland and not just a small coterie. Any review that is seen as a UK-led one will have shot itself in the head.”

Last week’s election marked a new low for Scottish Labour with their share of the overall vote falling for the third Holyrood election in a row. They ended up with only 37 seats, 22 behind the SNP who gained an overall majority. Iain Gray, the Scottish Labour leader, later said that he would stand down from the post in the autumn.

One ally of Mr Miliband said last night that alarm about the inquiry was understandable. He added: “I do think though that at the end of [the] executive, there will be agreement that the inquiry should go ahead.”

Meanwhile, speculation that Mr Murphy might heed calls from party colleagues to become leader of the Scottish party looks wide of the mark.

Senior colleagues of the MP for East Renfrewshire say that his real interest lies in remaining at Westminster. “He is not interested in coming to Holyrood to take on Alex Salmond. He’s not interested in becoming First Minister,” said one. Others pointed out that it would look odd if the person heading the “root-and-branch” inquiry into the Scottish party’s abject performance last week then went on to become Scottish party leader after it had reported.

With no sign of any Labour MSP at Holyrood making moves to succeed Mr Gray, however, the option of having an MP as leader has not been ruled out entirely. Such a solution was followed by the SNP in 2004 when Alex Salmond returned as party leader. He remained an MP, with Nicola Sturgeon leading the party at Holyrood, until 2007 when he became an MSP.

Willie Rennie is expected to be appointed as the Scottish Lib Dems’ leader at Holyrood after the resignation of Tavish Scott last weekend.

via Revolt grows over Labour’s inquiry into Holyrood rout | The Times.